Barely three years ago, Europe rallied strongly behind Italy during the Lampedusa migration crisis. Ursula von der Leyen traveled there in person, member states activated solidarity mechanisms, and a common message of support emerged in the face of the emergency. That was Europe united in the face of hardship.

So how do we explain that today, with Spain facing a comparable crisis in Ceuta, the reaction of several governments is so different? Instead of offering support, 22 heads of state are calling on the European Commission to act against a member state, at the initiative of Giorgia Meloni herself, who had nonetheless benefited from unreserved European solidarity in 2023. What has changed since then? 🤔

Refusing to support one another places all of Europe in a dangerous position. Would Spain help Denmark if Greenland were ever threatened? Could Poland count on France if Belarus once again weaponizes migration flows at its border? Could Estonia count on its partners if Russia tests our resolve? And what happens if Spain loses control of the Strait of Gibraltar because other member states left it to face the pressure alone? 🌍⚠️

What real alternative do we have, other than genuine European integration and stronger unity?

Don't you also refuse to stand by as the European Union is weakened by foreign interests and their allies within Europe? 💪

That is why it is time to revive a genuine wave of citizen solidarity across Europe 🤝. Not a superficial solidarity decided in the corridors of Brussels, but a movement driven by citizens themselves, one capable of reminding governments that European unity cannot be negotiated according to the national interests of the moment.

This mobilization must also involve greater vigilance against attempts at foreign interference, which exploit our divisions and too often rely on proprietary digital platforms, those tech giants that can rightly be called techno-feudalist or "cloudalist" 🔗️. Controlled by non-European private interests, these networks shape narratives, amplify divisive rhetoric, and weaken our collective ability to build an independent and sovereign European public space.

Resisting these manipulations also means choosing to take back control of our digital tools, by supporting open, decentralized alternatives free from interference, rather than letting our public debate depend on foreign infrastructure. 🌐🔓

In 2026, 22 heads of state called on the Commission to act against Spain, when in 2023 they had all stood together, why?

In the face of this, only genuine, informed, and vigilant citizen solidarity can build the Europe we truly need. 🚀

#EuropeanSolidarity #Ceuta #Lampedusa #EuropeanUnion #Migration #DigitalSovereignty #n816media #FediverseEN #EuropeUnited #Netdynamics @Mehdi Khouli

On June 16, 2026, french Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu announced with great fanfare that French company ChapsVision would replace Palantir at the Direction Générale de la Sécurité Intérieure (DGSI). The political message was clear: France is reclaiming control over its domestic intelligence tools. But the operational reality is more complex.

Palantir reacted immediately, and with some irritation. According to the American company, the contract it signed with the DGSI in December 2025, for a period of three years, "remains fully in force". For more than ten years, Palantir has supported the DGSI in processing and analysing heterogeneous data through the OTDH programme (Outil de traitement des données hétérogènes, Heterogeneous Data Processing Tool), renewed successively in 2019 and 2025, in the absence of a sufficiently mature French alternative.

Matignon had to clarify: the substitution will take place gradually, over a period of one to three years. Palantir therefore remains in place during the transition. What the executive presents as a break is, in reality, a migration plan. The arrival of ChapsVision and its product Argonos represents a political milestone as much as a technical one in France's reconquest of digital sovereignty.

Ten Years of Dependency, a Tense Geopolitical Context

The relationship between the DGSI and Palantir dates back to the 2015 terrorist attacks. Faced with operational urgency and the absence of any national solution capable of processing massive data flows in real time, France had then made the pragmatic choice to rely on the American specialist in intelligence data analysis. Palantir, created in the early 2000s within the CIA's ecosystem, held a significant technical lead.

This choice has never ceased to generate controversy. The question of digital sovereignty, and more specifically the control by an American company of such sensitive intelligence data, has continuously fuelled parliamentary and media criticism. In 2025, the Senate was still pressing the government on the "extension of the contract linking the DGSI to Palantir" and on the initial ambition, never fully realised, of developing a sovereign solution.

The geopolitical context of 2025-2026, marked by transatlantic tensions and the questioning of the reliability of certain American partnerships under the Trump administration, manifestly accelerated the political decision.

DGSE and DRM: Two Agencies That Made a Different Choice

While the DGSI's history with Palantir is now well documented, the positions of the DGSE and the DRM are significantly different.

The DGSE: Internalisation and Sovereign Development

No public source attests to a contract between the DGSE and Palantir. The foreign intelligence service has visibly opted for the opposite strategy: developing its Big Data and AI capabilities in-house. Job postings published on the DGSE's official website are explicit: Big Data Software Engineers, BigData DevOps Engineers, and AI specialists are recruited directly to "develop operational tools" addressing "the new challenges of intelligence".

This approach reflects a philosophy consistent with the very nature of the DGSE: an organisation whose infrastructure is inherently isolated, highly classified, and whose security culture makes any external dependency on an American supplier structurally risky.

The DRM: The Sovereign Bet on ARTEMIS.IA

The DRM has structured its response around the ARTEMIS.IA programme, a sovereign Big Data platform launched under an innovative partnership notified by the DGA (Direction Générale de l'Armement, Directorate-General of Armaments) in late 2017. This platform is developed by Athea, the joint venture created by Atos and Thales, two European industrial champions.

The DRM actively communicates on this programme, presented as a "Big Data infostructure" enabling the processing of "massive incoming data flows" to produce military intelligence.

The Palantir Model: Engineers Embedded on Site

What few analyses highlight is nonetheless at the heart of the sovereignty debate: Palantir's business model is not limited to the supply of software. It is built on the physical and permanent integration of its own engineers within client organisations. These profiles, known as Forward Deployed Software Engineers (FDSE), are literally deployed on the client's premises, whether that is a ministry, a defence agency, or an intelligence service.

Their mission: to configure Palantir platforms directly within the client's operational environment, with access to real data and live production workflows. Palantir itself describes these engineers as professionals who "build workflows in production, in close collaboration with the organisation's teams".

This model carries a considerable structural implication in the context of an intelligence service: Palantir engineers, employees of an American company subject to US law, have real-time access to operational data, active cases, investigation streams, and the action priorities of the agency that employs them. They are in a position to observe ongoing "business cases", meaning active files, monitored targets, and deployed analysis methods. The French Economic Intelligence Portal noted as early as 2017 that this contractual architecture gave Palantir "a progressive insertion into the information systems of French intelligence" and knowledge of its operational methods.

Switzerland terminated its own contract with Palantir citing precisely this residual risk: even with local data hosting and protective contractual clauses, "the combination of proprietary complexity, opaque internals, foreign legal jurisdiction, and remote update mechanisms creates a risk that cannot be fully controlled".

The DGSI contract of December 2025 moreover specifies that the agreement covers not only the supply of the software, but also "the integration, support and assistance services necessary for operational deployment and use", a formulation that includes the on-site presence of Palantir teams. Co-founder Peter Thiel, digital adviser to the Trump administration, and the company's historical proximity to the CIA add a geopolitical dimension to what some might consider a straightforward software contract.

The NATO Paradox

The French situation carries a paradoxical dimension. In March 2025, NATO officially adopted Palantir's Maven Smart System NATO (MSS NATO) as the Alliance's military AI platform. France thus finds itself in a delicate position: a member of an alliance that uses Palantir at the level of its military command structure, while simultaneously seeking to free itself from the same supplier on its own territory.

France is developing its own military AI tools in parallel (Artemis, GenIAl, Comand AI), in a logic of national differentiation within the Alliance.

What This Reveals About French Strategy

• DGSI: contract in force until 2028, gradual migration to ChapsVision (Argonos), transition towards a sovereign French solution
• DGSE: no publicly known contract with Palantir, in-house Big Data/AI development, specialised recruitment
• DRM: no publicly known contract with Palantir, sovereign ARTEMIS.IA programme (Atos/Thales)

The DGSI stands as an exception within the French intelligence community. Its use of Palantir resulted from an emergency choice made in the aftermath of the 2015 attacks, at a time when no national solution was available. The DGSE and the DRM have, each in their own way, avoided this dependency, by investing either in internal development or in a French and European industrial ecosystem.

The June 2026 announcement marks a political normalisation: France is now aligning its public communication with a sovereign orientation that, for two of its three main intelligence services, was already an operational reality.

And What of the Rest of Europe?

France's decision to phase out Palantir from the DGSI inevitably raises a broader question: what is the current state of Palantir's relationships with other European intelligence agencies, and will Paris's move trigger a similar rethink across the continent? The landscape is, in fact, already shifting, and faster than most observers anticipated.

The picture that emerges is one of profound asymmetry. At one end of the spectrum, the United Kingdom has moved in the opposite direction entirely, awarding Palantir its largest-ever contracts and establishing London as the company's European defence headquarters. At the other, Germany has already followed France's lead, with its domestic intelligence agency selecting ChapsVision in May 2026. In between, Spain, Belgium, Italy and the Netherlands present varying degrees of entanglement, some direct, some indirect through NATO structures, and almost always opaque due to national security exemptions that bypass competitive tendering.

The underlying question is the same in each capital: can a continent that aspires to strategic autonomy afford to outsource the nervous system of its security apparatus to a company incorporated in Denver, Colorado, and subject to the US CLOUD Act? Switzerland answered that question with a 20-page risk assessment concluding that "leaks from Palantir's systems cannot be technically prevented." France and Germany are beginning to act accordingly. The rest of Europe is watching, and counting the cost of the alternatives.

#DigitalSovereignty #Intelligence #IndustrialEspionage #DataPrivacy #TechIndependence
@DrALJONES @Randahl Fink @PepikHipik @Le_M_Poireau ⏚ @raphaelglucksmann@mastodon.social 

Sources: Le Monde, ZDNet.fr, Le Figaro, LCP, Les Numériques, Marianne, opexnews.fr, French Senate, official DGSE website, official DRM website, Palantir Investors Relations, French Economic Intelligence Portal, Zendata Security.